What Is Government For?

Right now, the United States is being “governed” by a dangerous fool–a madman entirely ignorant of governance, cause and effect, or anything other than his own self-importance. Perilous as the current situation is–and it is–he will be gone, and given his obvious and accelerating decline, probably sooner than later, making it imperative that Americans engage in an important–an essential–debate: what is government for? What are the core responsibilities that markets and individuals and voluntary organizations cannot provide?

In my last few posts, I’ve emphasized that there are two questions pertinent to the operation of governing institutions: what and how–and I’ve explained the importance of the “how.” Today, I want to talk about the “what.”

I think most reasonable people look to government to provide essential infrastructure. There’s broad agreement about its responsibility to build and maintain physical infrastructure. There is far less understanding or agreement about social infrastructure–what is sometimes called the “social safety net.” Ideologues of the Right dismiss efforts to strengthen that social infrastructure by labeling it “socialism” (a label that is supposed to justify a hysterical repudiation of whatever the proposal may be). That response ignores the reality that all first world countries have mixed economies. The issue isn’t whether we should “socialize” certain activities, it is the much harder questions of which ones and why.

Resistance to expansion of America’s social infrastructure– our inadequate social safety net– keeps millions from accessing medical care. It keeps working people impoverished and mothers out of the workforce. It reduces economic mobility and amplifies historic inequities.  Ironically, it costs considerably more and delivers much less than is the case in other first-world countries. As researchers have amply documented, the inadequacies of our social infrastructure push numerous problems downstream: Jails and prisons become de facto mental-health providers; emergency rooms substitute for primary care; Police and courts manage crises unrelated to public safety. Our insistence upon limiting “help” via means-testing adds millions in bureaucratic costs.

Despite the claims of “fiscal conservatives,” keeping safety nets inadequate doesn’t save money or eliminate costs—it adds many and reallocates others inefficiently.

And what about the argument that “big” government (i.e. government administering a more capacious safety net) erodes individual liberty?

The new mayor of New York begs to differ. And I agree with him. As Heather Cox Richardson recently reported,

The policies [Mamdani] promised are not simply about lowering costs, he said, but about “the lives we fill with freedom.” For too long, he said, “freedom has belonged only to those who can afford to buy it.” “Here,” he said, “where the language of the New Deal was born, we will return the vast resources of this city to the workers who call it home.”

Mamdani’s speech was a declaration of a new kind of modern politics that focuses on “freedom to” rather than “freedom from.” For decades, the Republican Party has called for dismantling the government, arguing that regulations and taxes were destroying Americans’ freedom from constraints. But for most Americans, government regulation and investments in social welfare like education and infrastructure guarantee freedom to build a life that is not cramped by preventable obstacles, including those imposed by the wealthy and powerful.

The idea of government regulation and a basic social safety net to permit Americans to live their lives to their fullest potential was a key principle of the New Deal launched by Democratic president Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1933, and Mamdani was right to note that the New Deal was born in New York City.

A number of political philosophers have argued that liberty is, indeed, “freedom to” rather than “freedom from.” When every day is a struggle for survival, the promise of “freedom” to follow one’s dreams rings pretty hollow.

For a long time, proponents of a minimal state have argued that the absence of social supports results in a system where “merit” allows talented individuals to prosper. If our current government demonstrates anything, it is the idiocy of that assumption. The “captains of industry” who have clawed their way to power are anything but the best and brightest–they are beneficiaries of a social system that elevates some at the expense of others, and they are busy dismantling another important part of our social infrastructure: the rule of law.

When we rid ourselves of the current kakistocracy, we need a national discussion about the nature of liberty and the dimensions–and costs–of our social infrastructure, and what we expect government to do (not to mention what we expect a legitimate government to refrain from doing….)

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Markets And The Rule Of Law

I talk a lot about the rule of law–mostly in the context of ensuring fair play and civil peace. But as a recent essay by Catherine Rampell reminds us, the rule of law is also essential to the operation of a market economy.

A country that protects property rights; that has free capital markets; that has a stable and predictable regulatory regime; where all citizens are equal before the law; where individuals don’t fear being expropriated by the state without cause; and where private contracts can be enforced regardless of political connections is generally a better place to do business. All these features are among the reasons the United States has long been the richest country on earth. It’s also why we have attracted so much foreign capital.

When property rights aren’t protected and the justice system operates to reward friends and punish enemies, doing business is harder. People don’t have the certainty they need to invest here, or study here, or start businesses here.

Rampell is absolutely correct. Economic experts have long emphasized the importance of the rule of law to market performance. Predictability is particularly significant–it allows businesses to plan, invest and price goods with reasonable certainty that everything won’t go south without warning.

Even more important is the enforcement function. A reliable and impartial legal structure allows confidence that contracts will be enforced in accordance with their terms. When a business owner cannot rely on the courts to enforce agreements and laws mandating fair economic play, like anti-trust, companies end up depending on personal relationships– family networks, political influence, or bribery-based “arrangements”– which are both far less predictable and far less fair. (Can we spell Russia?)

Then there’s the protection that rule of law regimes provide for property rights. Critics of capitalism tend to dismiss the importance of that protection, but it is critical to the operation of the economy. Investment only occurs when ownership is secure–when clear legal title allows business-people to buy, sell, collateralize and insure property. When any property can be arbitrarily seized (either by the state or by powerful actors), capital investment gives way to defensive hoarding.

Numerous economists will also point out that the ability to rely on a fair and impartial legal system lowers transaction costs and makes markets more efficient. Rule of law systems with standardized rules reduce the need for expensive private enforcement, constant renegotiation, or the excessive premiums necessitated by increased risk. As an economist friend once told me, the rule of law obviates the need for private militias, political patrons, or corrupt intermediaries. 

 Bottom line: the rule of law makes markets cheaper to operate, and it should go without saying that lower transaction costs benefit consumers–a lesson we’re re-learning as Trump’s tariffs increase those transaction costs.

One of the most worrisome aspects of the kakistocracy we increasingly inhabit is the steady erosion of genuine market capitalism and its replacement by what is sometimes called corporatism, or crony capitalism. When power replaces the rule of law, markets devolve into corruption, uncertainty, capital flight, and monopoly power.

What defenders of capitalism often misunderstand is that markets can’t operate properly in the absence of regulation. Antitrust law, bankruptcy law, and anti-corruption laws prevent powerful folks and insiders from rigging the marketplace. Sound laws and regulations ensure that investments will flow to firms that are seen as productive, rather than to firms that are politically connected. Crony capitalism suppresses productivity and innovation.

A market economy is not self-sustaining without an adequate rule of law.

I consider myself a capitalist. I’m a fan of market economics, and accordingly, I recognize the importance of the rule of law to the proper operation of those markets. But I also understand that there are functions that markets cannot perform. Economists talk about “market failures” that require government intervention, but the simpler explanation is that, in any society, there are functions that require collective rather than competitive action. 

Government is our mechanism for those collective activities, for providing the physical and social infrastructure within which markets can operate and people can pursue their individual life goals. The rule of law is an essential part of that infrastructure.

The thorny issue that underlies our most important policy debates is identifying which goods should be provided collectively by government and which should be left to the market. (If we’ve learned anything from the failures of “privatization ideology,” it is that things like education and health care are not consumer goods.)

Tomorrow, I’ll consider that fundamental question…

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Whose Originalism?

The embrace of a so-called “originalism” by lawyers and judges who want to turn back the clock has been roundly–and effectively–criticised by legal scholars, who point out that (among other inconvenient facts) America’s Constitution was the product of many Founders, and thousands of citizens participated in the debates over its ratification. Multiple histories confirm that those individuals lacked anything close to an identical understanding of its provisions.

And then, of course, there’s that little problem with the passage of time. Conservative judges may sneer at the concept of a “living Constitution,” but properly understood, that concept simply requires us to apply the values the Founders were trying to protect to new and unanticipated “facts on the ground.”

A question I used to ask my students was intended to illustrate that point; I would ask the class what James Madison thought about porn on the Internet. Rather obviously, Madison was totally unaware of the Internet (also radio, television…most of our current methods of communication). But Madison and other Founders had very firm ideas about the value of free speech and the danger of government censorship–values that found expression in the First Amendment. The courts don’t limit application of the Free Speech clause to newspapers and pamphlets that were like those available when the Bill of Rights was passed–they apply the original principle to our current reality.

As a recent essay in the New Republic put it, originalists argue that the Constitution should be interpreted according to its original meaning, but they fail to ask the more pertinent question: original meaning according to whom?

In the case of the Constitution, the problem isn’t simply that its 55 Framers understood key clauses differently; it’s that the tens of thousands of ordinary Americans who publicly debated the document during the ratification process understood the text to mean different things, too. To paraphrase the historian Jack Rakove, there was never a single original meaning, only original meanings.

Many legal scholars argue (pretty persuasively) that originalism is just conservative politics masquerading as history. But Akhil Reed Amar, a law professor at Yale whose books on the Constitution are among my all-time favorites, is a scholar who argues that adhering to “original meaning” would support a lot of liberal outcomes.

In his latest, Born Equal: Remaking America’s Constitution, 1840–1920, the second in a proposed trilogy on the Constitution’s history, Amar traces the origins of the Reconstruction amendments—the Thirteenth Amendment, abolishing slavery in 1865; the Fourteenth Amendment, establishing birthright citizenship, due process, and equal protection in 1868; and the Fifteenth Amendment, granting Black men the vote in 1870—along with the Nineteenth Amendment, which extended suffrage to women in 1920. His central argument is that these amendments succeeded because their advocates framed them as fulfillments of the nation’s founding texts, above all the Declaration of Independence’s claim that “all men are created equal.” By rooting their arguments in the Declaration and interpreting the Constitution as the Founders supposedly intended, figures like Lincoln—the book’s central hero—emerge as the first true “originalists.”

The New Republic’s essay is lengthy, and engages primarily in a historical critique of Amar’s book. While that historical debate is worth reading, most germane to the current arguments about originalism is its observation that the Founders themselves rejected the belief that the Constitution had a fixed meaning–an argument made by Jonathan Gienapp, in his book Against Constitutional Originalism: A Historical Critique.

The essay concludes with another observation–one that we are re-learning at a time when an American President is dismissive if not contemptuous of any constitutional interpretation or restraint.

It wasn’t originalism that saved the nation or its Constitution, it was a decades-long struggle of ordinary people who knew what no document needed to tell them: They were all born free and equal. Sometimes their efforts were in accordance with the law, but sometimes they were in open defiance. Every time an enslaved person escaped to the North, and every time an abolitionist harbored them, they were flagrantly violating the Constitution. The lesson here can’t be that they should have been more faithful to the Constitution, good originalists like Lincoln. It’s that we should recognize the Constitution’s flaws, think creatively how we interpret it, and make it easier to amend. After all, no one wants another civil war.

Actually, there are elements in MAGA that would welcome another civil war, but the basic observation is sound.

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Harnessing Hate Only Goes So Far

When the Electoral College installed Trump in the Oval Office in 2016–allowing Red states to overrule his loss by some three million votes cast largely by voters in Blue ones–it seemed clear to me that his appeal rested largely on his willingness to abandon “dog whistles” for out-and-proud bigotry. The people who had been appalled by the presence of a Black man in the White House applauded Trump for “telling it like it is”–and took his “candor” for permission to express sentiments that “political correctness” had  suppressed.

Those of us who immediately made that connection ran up against the protests of (far nicer) folks who wanted to attribute Trump’s electoral success to economic distress, or other, more typical political reasons, but by the end of his first term, political science research had largely confirmed that “racial resentment” motivated most votes for Donald Trump.

 By the conclusion of 2025, the first year of Trump’s second term–there was no longer room for doubt.

As an article in Lincoln Square recently put it, overt racism and antisemitism are the defining features of what is now Trump’s  GOP.  That article listed several examples, but the one that managed to astonish me was language included in the administration’s recently published National Security Strategy.

That document said, among other things, that the NATO treaty was signed with Europe when Europe was overwhelmingly white, and that since immigration has changed the continent, the NATO treaty might no longer be valid. The strategy joined naked racism to a pro-Putin approach to Europe and appalled the entire foreign policy establishment. The publication of the strategy shined a bright new light on the ugly bigotry that had been in plain sight all along. A few weeks later, at a meeting of Turning Point USA, J.D. Vance gave a speech where he invited Nazis, Groypers, and other hate-groups into the administration’s political coalition.

I’ve previously reported on the administration’s numerous domestic efforts to turn back the clock to a time when racism and misogyny were considered “normal” and “Christian,” and I won’t repeat that litany here. Suffice it to say that most sane Americans (a somewhat smaller percentage than I’d previously. hoped, but still a majority) are now fully aware that continued support for MAGA and Trump is grounded in hate of the “Other.” 

As that awareness has grown, comparisons with Nazi Germany have also proliferated–but increasingly, with an interesting twist. Historians and pundits who previously highlighted the measures that allowed Hitler to come to power have begun focusing on the decisions that ultimately defeated him. 

I no longer recall where I read this, but one historian has pointed to a fatal error in judgment: as the tide on the battlefields was turning against Germany, the Nazis increasingly deployed their scarce strategic resources toward the destruction of the Jews. Trains that could have moved troops, for example, were used instead to deliver human beings to death camps.

The parallel is instructive.

To the best of our knowledge, Trump, Miller, et al aren’t yet establishing death camps, but they are creating horrific “holding areas” like Alligator Alcatraz, throwing humans in foreign dungeons in places like El Salvador, and spending enormous amounts unleashing ICE thugs on Americans who don’t present as lily-white.  The administration is redoubling efforts to re-legalize discrimination against women and minorities, and increasingly engaging in language demeaning those who aren’t White Christian males. Their hatreds consume them.

As the linked article noted, the administration is ramping up its cruelest race-based policies at the very moment when the forces of resistance are turning the tide.

At a time when majorities of Americans are deeply opposed to all of this–a time when polling and survey research confirm that Trump and MAGA are deeply unpopular, a time when millions of citizens keep taking to the streets in protest and Republicans have been losing election after election–the Trump administration is doubling down on the bigotry, cruelty and stupidity that have powered the resistance and been responsible for their plunging approval ratings.

I am increasingly convinced that we are at an important turning point–that 2025 was the low, and that 2026 will see the growth of a resistance that not only takes advantage of the daily missteps of a monumentally inept administration, but that –especially–rebels massively against the bigotries that fuel Trump and MAGA.

A number of pundits scorn those of us who insist that “America is better than this.” But we are better than this–and I am increasingly convinced that this is the year we will prove it.

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As I’ve Been Saying…

During a recent discussion with my two nephews–who, while living on opposite coasts, have somehow, shockingly, become middle-aged adults–one of them offered an observation that built on and combined two aspects of the MAGA movement that I have (separately) noted on this platform: racism and victimhood.

My nephew agreed with a recent quote by Sherrilyn Ifill, a law professor at Howard University, who opined that MAGA “is fueled by white supremacist ideology. That is the seductive messaging through which so many have been lured into participating in this national betrayal.” But he also attributed Trump’s appeal to the grievances of people whose lives haven’t met their desires or expectations, and who–rather than taking responsibility for that failure–prefer to see themselves as victims of nefarious “others.” 

The characteristics of those two groups are–rather obviously– closely allied, so the Trump administration’s efforts to roll back efforts to promote civic equality panders to both. It shouldn’t come as a surprise that, as Trump’s approval ratings have continued to tank, those efforts have accelerated.

Recently, Talking Points Memo described the methods the administration is employing to resegregate the workforce.The report began by citing the data: when Trump took office in January 2025, unemployment was at 4 percent overall, and at 5.3 percent for Black workers. In November, the total unemployment rate was 4.6 percent, and the Black unemployment rate had soared to 8.3 percent.

One contributing factor is Trump’s mass firings of federal employees. Black people disproportionately work in the public sector, representing nearly 19 percent of the federal workforce compared to 13 percent of the civilian workforce. And they have been disproportionately impacted by Trump’s purges: Analyses by ProPublica and The New York Times found that the administration conducted its steepest staff cuts at the agencies with the most nonwhite and women workers, like the Department of Education and the U.S. Agency for International Development.

But the federal layoffs offer only a partial explanation. What the data is beginning to reveal is the devastating cumulative effects of the Trump administration’s policies for workers of color.

The article goes on to make explicit a connection that even my graduate students tended to miss: the very real–and often immediate– impact of government’s largely unnoticed structural and regulatory changes on the day-to-day prospects of citizens.

Among other things, changes in seemingly arcane rules can change the racial composition of the workforce.

For example, among Trump’s blizzard of Executive Orders are several that  characterize longstanding, Johnson-era affirmative action mandates as “illegal DEI”  (his administration’s disfavored diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives). Instead of requiring companies to affirm that their employment policies are non-discriminatory, and that they have taken “affirmative action” to eliminate bias from their recruitment efforts, Trump is requiring them to certify that they are not “promoting DEI.” The administration didn’t bother to define the term, “effectively discouraging companies that want to keep their government contracts from engaging in any activity that could conceivably be characterized as DEI. For reference, to date, the things the administration has decried as DEI include the Calibri font and indoor plumbing in Black neighborhoods.”

As I reported a few days ago, the Trump administration continues to dismantle longstanding legal doctrines that allow people to challenge discrimination in the workplace. As I explained, disparate impact allowed courts to recognize the reality that even policies that are neutral on their face can have a discriminatory impact, and that intentional discrimination is often hard to prove. For some 50 years, litigants have been able to prevail in discrimination lawsuits by demonstrating the real-world disproportionate effects of a particular rule or practice that doesn’t serve a necessary purpose. 

The numerous structural changes intended to shield discriminatory motives and actions haven’t been confined to doctrinal matters. The administration has also pulled back the enforcement of anti-domestic-terrorism projects–efforts that had largely focused on the White nationalist and neo-Nazi groups responsible for the majority of domestic terrorism assaults. 

The Guardian reports that the FBI has openly rerouted resources away from investigations of far-right extremists, including one called “the Base” which recruits through a Russian email and is now apparently free to pursue its “stated objective of fomenting an armed insurgency against the US government.”

As Talking Points Memo notes, these policies and several others work in tandem, making it is harder for people of color to enter the workforce and harder for them to remain there. If they are victimized by illegal discrimination, it’s now harder for them to do anything about it. 

On the other hand, it’s much easier to be a neo-Nazi terrorist.

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